Papal Allocution of April 29 1848 ©

Introduction

Charles Albert's insistence on “fusion” with Piedmont, and his refusal to discuss war aims with other Italian powers or to encourage their (and notably Pius IX's) interest in a loose Italian confederation, helped to bring about a general desertion of his cause. For a brief moment, along with Mazzini's republicans and Cattaneo's federalists, the regular armies of Tuscany, Naples, and the Papal States had joined his forces in fighting against Austria. A papal Allocution of April 29 then came as a bombshell. Pius's defection was followed by that of Ferdinand of Naples, who backed out of the war and suspended his recently granted constitution on May 15.

The Allocution brought the myth of neo-guelphism to an end. For all his reforms, Pius had never seriously intended the liberalization of the Papal States. He had just allowed the legend to develop by default that liberalism was now orthodox; and by an even greater miscalculation he had not understood that his constitution made sense only if he was prepared to renounce authoritarian power. He admitted that “men have a natural feeling of nationality, and I myself would be glad to see the rebirth of an independent Italy.” Moreover, as a temporal sovereign he had an army and claimed the right to defend his territory against Austrian encroachment. But just as he had not appreciated the implications of ministerial responsibility, so he had not seen that self-defense might lead him into an actual war against another Catholic power in which religion was not at stake and where his motives might be suspect. The shock of recognition was so great that he veered round to an opposite extreme where the risorgimento was no longer befriended but excommunicated. Having done so much to set the national movement on its course, Pius was driven into an exaggerated anti-liberalism which was to burden the Church for another century.

Allocution of Pius IX, delivered in the secret consistory of April 29, 1848

WHEN, BY the inscrutable decree of God, We were put in his [Gregory XVI's] place, We at the outset, not stimulated by encouragements or advice, but prompted by our own singular affection toward the people placed under the temporal dominion of the Church, granted more large indulgence to those who had departed from their duty of allegiance to the pontifical government; and We subsequently made speed to adopt certain measures, which We had judged conducive in themselves to the prosperity of that people. And the whole of the acts which We have thus performed at the very commencement of our Pontificate are in thorough correspondence with those most anxious desires of the European sovereigns [in the Memorandum of 1831].

But when, by the help of God, our plans had been brought to practical effect, not only our own people but those of neighboring states manifested an exulting joy, and applauded Us with public congratulations and testimonials of respect, in such a mode as made it our duty to take care, even in this exalted City, to keep within due bounds popular outbursts acclamations, and assemblages, that broke forth with an excess of vehemence.

Furthermore, Venerable Brothers, the words of the Allocution which We addressed to you in the Consistory of the fourth of October in the past year, are known to all. By them We commended the benevolence, and the affectionate solicitude, of the princes toward their subjects, and exhorted the subjects to the faith and obedience due to their princes . . .

Seeing that some at present desire that We too, along with the other princes of Italy and their subjects, should engage in war against the Austrians, We have thought it convenient to proclaim clearly and openly, in this our solemn assembly, that such a measure is altogether alien from our counsels, inasmuch as We, albeit unworthy, are upon earth the vice-gerent of Him that is the Author of Peace and the Lover of Charity, and, conformably to the function of our supreme apostolate, We reach to and embrace all kindreds, peoples, and nations, with equal solicitude of paternal affection. But if, notwithstanding, there are not wanting among our subjects those who allow themselves to be carried away by the example of the rest of the Italians, in what manner could We possibly curb their ardor?

And in this place We cannot refrain from repudiating, before the face of all nations, the treacherous advice, published moreover in journals, and in various works, of those who would have the Roman Pontiff to be the head and to preside over the formation of some sort of novel republic of the whole Italian people. Rather, on this occasion, moved hereto by the love We bear them, We do urgently warn and exhort the said Italian people to abstain with all diligence from the like counsels, deceitful and ruinous to Italy herself, and to abide in close attachment to their respective sovereigns, of whose good will they have already had experience, so as never to let themselves be torn away from the obedience they owe them. For if they should do otherwise, they not only would fail in their own duty, but would also run a risk of rending Italy herself, every day more and more, with fresh discords and intestine factions.